Responses to Climate Change and Natural Disasters in Pre-Modern Korea: Missional Implications for the Korean Church (2024)

1. Introduction

The relationship between natural cycles and human actions on causing climate change, and its impact on society, has been a subject of debate (M. Kim 2021, pp. 55–126; Mann 2002, pp. 504–9). However, climate change is not new and has been analyzed for centuries. Pre-modern Koreans have long been attentive to climate anomalies, as evidenced by archival records from the Koryŏ dynasty (936–1392) to the end of the Chosŏn dynasty (1392–1910). These records provide valuable insights into the weather conditions of pre-modern Korea, where abnormal and low-temperature climatic conditions caused significant damage to Korean society, which was primarily dependent on agriculture (J.-H. Lee 2008, pp. 133–56).

Pre-modern Koreans analyzed the causes of climate anomalies. In search of remedies for these crises, people turned to religious solutions. People in times of ecological crises often experience high levels of psychological distress and turn to primal worldviews or religions, particularly those that convey apocalyptic messages. These religious messages influenced Korean primal religious thoughts and worldviews, playing a crucial role in interpreting climatic events of the time.

The focus of this paper is on the socio-political and religious reactions to natural calamities and disasters in pre-modern Korea. I explore the lessons that can be learned from pre-modern Korean responses to climate change and their missional implications for the Korean church in the post-pandemic era based on the results of the research.

2. Natural Cycles and Human Reactions in Climate Change

2.1. The Relationship between Natural Cycles and Human Reactions in Climate Change

Research conducted by Yeonok Kim sheds light on the climatic conditions during the Koryŏ dynasty (Y. Kim 1987, pp. 411–23; Y. Kim 1992, pp. 285–304; Y. Kim 1998, pp. 160–76). The findings reveal a discernible shift towards colder temperatures during the latter part of the 11th century, which further intensified during the first half of the 12th century. Subsequently, from the 12th to the 14th centuries, the abnormally low temperatures in East Asia had severe consequences for the predominantly agrarian Korean society. Lack of food supply caused by abnormally low temperatures seriously endangered the country’s economy, necessitating special measures. In response to severe famine caused by sudden and drastic temperature drops during King Myŏngjong’s reign in 1173, the king called for mudangs (shamans) to pray for rain and sent officers to the mountains and rivers to pray to the deities for rain.

“There was no rain from the first month of this year, and it dried streams and wells. Rice and wheat withered. Epidemic diseases occurred, and people were dying of starvation. Some people even sold human flesh at the market. In addition, there were many fire outbreaks”. (Koryŏsa [The Annals of Koryŏ] 1173)1

The Annals of Koryŏ demonstrates how climate anomalies could simultaneously bring about various disasters. Abnormal climatic conditions led to famines, high mortality rates, and socio-political and economic instability that threatened the state’s security and the survival of its people. In response to natural disasters caused by abnormal climate, they sought various political and social solutions and employed religious responses to overcome them.

2.1.1. Searching for Unification of Humanity with Heaven

The initial response to adverse climate conditions and abnormalities was to seek an explanation. In pre-modern Korean societies, people diligently searched for the reasons behind harmful and disruptive climatic events and natural disasters (Hunt 2005, p. 320). They believed that disasters would befall them if the harmony between humans and nature was disturbed. Such calamities were seen as indications of deviation from Heaven’s will. To restore balance, they attempted to reflect Heaven’s will on Earth by imitating the shape and structure of the heavens (by aligning with the movements of celestial bodies).

The concept of Ch’ŏninhapillon (Tzu and Choi 2011, pp. 93–123)2, which signified the unification of humanity with heaven, was closely related to Tonggigamŭngnon3, the stimulus–response concept (Ernst 2005, p. 547; Fears et al. 2017, p. 563)4. The concept of Tonggigamŭngnon finds its origin in the teachings of Confucius (BC 552∼BC 479), the founder of Confucianism. Confucius articulated this concept in the following manner:

“Similar sounds resonate with each other, and akin energies gravitate together. Water flows toward wetness, fire seeks dryness. Clouds trail behind dragons, winds accompany tigers. The wise perceive and oversee the entire world, affirming that heavenly entities align with the heavens, and earthly elements conform to the earth. Hence, each entity follows its own nature”. (Park and Han 2011, p. 132)5

The concept of Tonggigamŭngnon says that the orderliness of human society affects nature and the movement of celestial bodies. Tonggigamŭngnon, as a prevailing worldview during the Koryŏ dynasty, along with the concurrent anomalous climatic conditions, played a significant role in shaping the perception of reality within society. This concept served as a foundation for scrutinizing the absolute authority of the king and the royal family, with the aim of promoting accountability and justice in governance processes (T. J. Yi 1996, pp. 227–28). Therefore, they carefully observed and recorded natural disasters and abnormal climate changes to discern their implications for human society (S.-M. Lee 2011, p. 21). Solar eclipses were regarded as highly significant as they were seen as evidence of the king’s lack of virtue. The Annals of the Koryŏ dynasty recorded 132 solar eclipses (Han 2003, pp. 43–79).

The people believed that if the king acted according to the will of heaven, the nation would be spared disaster. The people of the Koryŏ dynasty faced a series of natural events and disasters including solar eclipses, droughts, frosts, floods, and hail, which they interpreted as punishment from the heavens. These phenomena inflicted severe economic damage on the dynasty by causing crop failure and famine, deflated the main source of governmental revenue, and hindered relief efforts. The resulting instability threatened the state’s cohesion. To address these crises, the rulers of the Koryŏ dynasty initiated various rituals aimed at appeasing the heavens. These rituals included Nansam (襴衫), which involved donning a simple white ritual dress, and Kamsŏn (減膳), the withdrawal of meat dishes from the royal table (H.-d. Yi 1978, p. 90). Additional measures included granting amnesty to prisoners, reducing forced labor and taxes, and engaging in charitable acts. These responses were both vertical and horizontal in nature.

The Nansam and Kamsŏn rituals constituted the rulers’ vertical response, symbolizing efforts to mend the disrupted relationship between the rulers and the heavens. Conversely, acts like granting amnesty, tax reduction, and charity represented the rulers’ horizontal response, aiming to mend the broken connection between rulers and subjects. Through Nansam and Kamsŏn, rulers expressed remorse and a resolution to reconcile with the heavens. An example from The Annals of Koryŏ illustrates King Jŏngjong (靖宗: 1018–1046) having withdrawn himself to an attached house while wearing white ritual attire (Nansam) during an eclipse (Koryŏsa [The Annals of Koryŏ] 1046). This move could have been driven by fear of dethronement, underscoring the rulers’ dedication to avert disaster.

In the context of the Koryŏ dynasty, the concepts of Ch’ŏninhapillon and Tonggigamŭngnon played a crucial role in comprehending the intricate dynamics between human society and the natural world, unveiling the delicate interplay between these two realms. This profound perspective struck a chord with the dynasty’s populace, becoming intricately interwoven with the extraordinary climatic conditions of that era. Notably, this collective worldview operated as a comprehensive lens, offering insights into the grand tapestry of reality itself. Beyond this, it served as a vital mechanism curbing the unchecked authority of the king and the royal family. Consequently, it facilitated the establishment of a governance system characterized by accountability and justice, the cornerstone of the kingdom’s administration.

Intriguingly, the concept of Tonggigamŭngnon that was interwoven into the sociocultural fabric of the Koryŏ period exhibited resilience as it permeated the intellectual landscape of the subsequent Chosōn era. During the Chosōn dynasty, the ethos of Tonggigamŭngnon cast its influence on various spheres, catalyzing advancements in technology and knowledge. The nuanced applications notwithstanding, the essential tenet endured: an unwavering conviction in the symbiotic relationship between virtuous human conduct and the dispensation of celestial blessings. In juxtaposition, transgressions against these ethical norms were believed to incur adverse consequences.

This conceptual dichotomy likely informed the rationale behind both Koryŏ and Chosōn authorities’ meticulous documentation of extraordinary natural events and climatic anomalies, curated within the precincts of the royal library. The enduring continuity of Tonggigamŭngnon’s foundational principles provided a vital bridge from the Koryŏ to the Chosōn dynasties, reflecting its enduring influence on philosophical paradigms, governance ideals, and the archival preservation of noteworthy natural phenomena.

2.1.2. Mass Migration of People and Rectifying Landscape Imbalances

The second common response to climate adversity was mass migration to areas with a better conditions. This phenomenon was triggered by a combination of political and economic factors in East Asia before the 10th century, with changes in average annual temperature being particularly significant.

In pre-modern Korea, court officials, military troops, merchants, artisans, and farmers were forcibly moved along with the regime when the capital attempted to relocate due to unbearable climate and environmental conditions. According to Sung-kon Shin, this solution of capital relocation has its roots in the northern nomadic lifestyle (Shin 2010, pp. 299–334).6 The attempts at capital relocation or peripatetic kingship as a solution to cope with adverse climate events and unfavorable political situations were also interpreted as part of P’ungsudoch’am, a Fengshui divination practice of the Koryŏ dynasty. For practical application, pre-modern Koreans combined Pungsu (Fengshui) with Doch’am7 (B.-d. Lee 2012, pp. 475–76) to attempt to predict future events for the collective benefit of society.8 The practice of P’ungsudoch’am in Koryŏ was conducted to align with the heavens, specifically in selecting auspicious locations for palaces, capital cities, or royal tombs and in prognosticating future events.

Koryŏ kings employed P’ungsudoch’am to advance their political objectives to consolidate their authority, often enlisting Fengshui masters to reestablish their connection with heaven, thereby motivating people to act according to celestial will (H.-D. Kim 2006, p. 357). The incremental development of P’ungsudoch’am (P’ungsujiri) mirrors the shift experienced by ancient Koreans as they transitioned from a mindset influenced by a nomadic lifestyle to a centralized kingdom polity upon establishing themselves on the Korean Peninsula. However, according to Nak-ki Choi, the rulers of the Koryŏ and Chosŏn dynasties distorted P’ungsudoch’am (P’ungsujiri) for their ends to deflect public dissatisfaction with the regime (N. Choi 2011, p. 321). Particularly, it evolved into political propaganda aimed at misdirecting rampant court corruption and attributing the nation’s declining fortune to environmental factors. Political evasion, squandering of natural resources, and deliberate distortion of reality led to a discernible reduction in the vitality of the dynasties, potentially curtailing their longevity.

This distinct political mechanism, originating from the response to unfavorable climatic and socio-political circ*mstances, persists in 21st century Korea. South Korean newspapers report on an ongoing police investigation on allegations that a Fengshui expert or a fortuneteller was involved in the process of selecting a new location for President Yoon Suk Yeol’s presidential office (S.-s. Kim 2023). This evidence underscores the enduring influence of pre-modern worldviews on even the highest level of governance today.

2.1.3. Finding Apocalyptic Meaning in the Disasters

The third approach to dealing with adverse climate conditions was to find apocalyptic meaning in the disasters. People in times of natural crisis often experience high levels of psychological distress, prompting them to seek solace in primal worldviews or religious beliefs, especially those that convey apocalyptic messages. However, Buddhism, which was the prevailing religion of the Koryŏ dynasty, emphasized internal spiritual development and otherworldliness. While Buddhism did incorporate practices to enhance good p’ungsu at temple construction sites as well as rituals to ensure the longevity of the dynasty and the health of the royal family,9 these religious practices may have been taken to an extreme and disconnected from the life of the common people, exacerbating social inequalities and leading to societal polarization. The religion needed revision if it was to address the climate crises.

In the Chosŏn dynasty that followed, the practice of Fengshui reflected the worldview of Neo-Confucian scholars who had been critical of such an application during the preceding Koryŏ dynasty. The Neo-Confucian scholars attempting to eradicate the apocalyptic function of Doch’am emphasized a more human-centered approach to Fengshui (H. Lee 2005, p. 70). To reflect a more pragmatic and rational Neo-Confucian worldview, they chose a more neutral term Jiri (landscape) than Doch’am and called it “P’ungsujiri”. While this practice required individuals to take equal responsibility for societal misfortunes, the crisis of the late Chosŏn society was heightened when the ruling class neglected their social responsibilities and clung to their interests. Unequal distribution of common resources and climate change-related disasters intensified inter-class tensions and worsened social instability. Ordinary people were exploited when the ruling powers rushed to satisfy private interests or pursue policies only for the sake of their clans. By the nineteenth century, this situation made life unbearable for the vulnerable. The lives of common people were devastated, and many became refugees, contributing to social unrest (B. M.-S. Lee 2023, pp. 95–106).

Prior to the introduction of Christianity in Korea, the apocalyptic nature of primal worldviews and religious beliefs played a vital role in maintaining social equilibrium. In conjunction with its developed eschatological beliefs rooted in local climate and terrain, Fengshui’s significance persists in contemporary Korea. It serves as a mechanism to address social disparities and foster material well-being.

2.1.4. The Emergence of Primal Apocalyptic Features in Korean Christianity

In the late Chosŏn dynasty, Buddhism and Shamanism, primarily concerned with spiritual and personal matters, faced limitations in addressing the broader ethical demands of society. In late 18th century Korea, disappointed with Confucianism and its inability to solve societal problems and reflect the reality of the time, some Confucian elites turned to Chinese Catholic literature. However, Korean Catholics in the early 19th century faced severe persecution by the Confucian ruling class, leaving the Catholic Church in Korea unable to fulfill its broader socioreligious function.

When the first Protestant clergy missionaries arrived in 1885, the political and religious system in Chosŏn was already disintegrating. The collapse of a functioning government in the late Chosŏn dynasty weakened the nation’s capacity to overcome calamities, and this led to an irreversible national crisis. Against this backdrop, the emergence of primal apocalyptic features in Korean Christianity was a significant development in Korean religious history.

The apocalyptic message of Chŏnggam-nok10 (Paik 2008, pp. 5–46) impacted pre-modern Koreans. Chŏnggam-nok was written based on the traditional P’ungsudoch’am principles and resonated with some people in the second half of the Chosŏn period. These individuals held a millenarian belief in the promise of Mirŭk (Maitreya)11 descending to earth and creating a paradise here. A folktale collected by Jin-tae Sohn from the northern part of Korea in 1930 describes Maitreya as follows:

“Once upon a time, Mirŭk prayed to heaven with a silver tray in one hand, and a gold tray in the other, and worms fell from heaven, five on the silver tray and five on the gold tray. He bred the worms and made the gold worms into men and the silver worms into women. The silver and gold worms were brought up and mated as husband and wife, and the world was born. In the days of Mirŭk, they ate food [more than sufficiently] and enjoyed the days of peace”. (Sohn 1981, pp. 14–16; Paik 1997, pp. 521–22)

The above Maitreya text is a creation myth that was predominant among pre-modern Koreans. Particularly, the realm governed by Maitreya was a tranquil and bountiful world devoid of hunger or fear of war. This contrasts starkly with the contemporaneous reality, signifying that the prevalent embrace of the Maitreya beliefs mirrored the arduous conditions of the real world (Cha 2018, pp. 203–12). Consequently, the Chosŏn government viewed the proliferation of Maitreya beliefs in society with concern, as they highlighted the absurdity and injustice of the society. ‘The Prophecy Concerning Maitreya’ in Buddhist Scriptura depicts Mirŭk as a savior, deliverer, and provider who would descend from paradise to rule over the world:

“Some time ago you have spoken to us of the future Buddha, who will lead the world at a future period, and who will bear the name of Maitreya. I would now wish to hear more about his powers and miraculous gifts. Tell me, O best of men, about them!’… Maitreya, the best of men, will then leave the Tush*ta [meaning ‘contented’ or ‘joyous’] heavens, and go for his last rebirth into the womb of that woman. For ten whole months she will carry about his radiant body. Then she will go to a grove full of beautiful flowers, and there, neither seated nor lying down, but standing up, holding on to the branch of a tree, she will give birth to Maitreya”. (Conze 1957, p. 156)

Maitreya tradition aligned with the eschatological concept of the Catholic Church that was then imported from Chinese Catholic literature in the late Chosŏn dynasty. Indigenous Korean Catholics associated Maitreya with biblical eschatology, leading to a significant societal phenomenon that destabilized the absolute status of Confucianism (Paik 1997, pp. 10–46). The ruling Confucian elites perceived this belief in Maitreya as a threat to their authority, prompting the Chosŏn government to destroy copies of Chŏnggam-nok documents containing Maitreya tenets. This sentiment served as a basis for the suppression of Catholicism in the 18th century prior to the arrival of Protestant missionaries in the following century (Paik 1997, pp. 32–44). Nevertheless, Maitreya’s influence endured into the 19th century, acting as a foundation for developing Christian eschatology. Indigenous Korean Protestant church leaders actively propagated this sentiment during the time of Protestant missionaries.

Sung-Deuk Oak notes that in the 20th century, indigenous Korean Protestant preachers attempted to reinterpret the millennialist message of missionaries by blending it with primal apocalyptic concepts, particularly with Maitreya (Oak 2013, p. 312). This blending appealed to many Koreans, who saw the message about Jesus as the fulfillment of traditional Korean apocalyptic prophecy (L.-s. Kim 1932, pp. 33–36). According to Seok-whan Kim, the apocalyptic traditions embedded within the Maitreya tradition, as elucidated in Chŏnggam-nok, exerted influence on the inaugural cohort of Korean ordained pastors who underwent training by American missionaries. Among them, Kil Sŏn-Ju deliberately integrated primal apocalyptic concepts into his messages. His apocalyptic proclamation revolving around the imminent return of Christ struck a profound chord with Koreans who had endured harrowing tribulations, and the distressing reality during the era of Japanese rule (Kim and Gil 2010, pp. 15–132).

Overall, the emergence of primal apocalyptic features in Korean Christianity significantly developed the country’s religious history. The decline of the Confucian Chosŏn society in the face of sweeping crisis and the failure to give appropriate meaning to social disorder provided conditions in which Protestant Christianity could function as an alternative.

3. Results and Discussion

In times of crisis, individuals often turn to alternative avenues when existing religious systems prove insufficient to address their desperate needs. Transformation of a society’s religious landscape occurs when the dominant religion’s values and practices fail to offer salvation in times of adversity. In this process, primal religious worldviews that have long endured by adapting to the environment persist in people’s belief systems and manifest in new forms.

3.1. Missional Implications for the Church in the Post-Pandemic Era

In the context of pre-modern Korea, natural disasters and erratic climate shifts were interpreted as signs of human deviation from the celestial will. Consequently, various strategies were employed to restore balance and harmony, guided by the foundational principles rooted in primal religious concepts. Solutions proposed by pre-modern Koreans in response to climate-related and economic challenges hold significant implications for contemporary churches in the post-pandemic era.

3.1.1. The Resilience of Indigenous Worldviews in Times of Crises

In times of crises caused by adverse climatic conditions, pre-modern Koreans frequently turned back to indigenous worldviews. This suggests that the imported religions from China12 and elsewhere were inadequate in addressing the hardships people faced during disasters. The phenomenon of individuals reverting to indigenous religious concepts and worldviews indicates the fading effectiveness of established religions in fulfilling their political, social, and economic functions, while indigenous imaginations continue to develop by adapting to the region’s climate to address disasters.

However, several attempts at capital relocations and peripatetic kingship undertaken in the Koryŏ dynasty in response to adverse climatic conditions and political situations had unintended consequences, resulting in long-term loss of national resources and missed opportunities for recovery. This particularly highlights the need for effective political and social institutions, along with religions elements, to provide benefits and security to people in times of disaster.

Currently, Korea is facing a flood of schisms and cults, some of which have grown to form political factions to create favorable conditions for themselves in the political arena. They even possess missionary inclinations, causing conflicts even in mission fields. While the Protestant church’s influence is declining, schismatic and cult groups are gaining more power. Rather than merely criticizing the proliferation of schismatic religions, it is necessary to take this as an opportunity to reflect on the weaknesses of established religions that fail to reflect reality.

3.1.2. The Importance of Good Governance

Confucianism is a religion with nature-friendly ideology. In both the Koryŏ and the Chosŏn dynasties it laid the foundation for interpreting natural disasters not merely as natural phenomena but as events interconnected with the will of heaven. Such interpretations played a crucial role in restraining absolute power, functioning as a social mechanism that protected the often-overlooked vulnerable populations susceptible to crises.

However, during the late Chosŏn dynasty, when societal resources became scarce due to adverse climatic conditions, the elite political factions influenced by Confucianism caused an imbalance in the distribution of common resources. When appropriate governance was not practiced for the welfare of the socially marginalized, religion and politics were rejected by the people of that era. In contrast, Protestant missionaries who arrived in Korea in the 19th and the early 20th centuries exhibited a sacrificial spirit in caring for the disaster-stricken Koreans. This was a successful missionary response that filled a void in times of societal transition. This experience of pre-modern Koreans highlights that, regardless of how nature-friendly a religion may be, it will falter without an adequate governance system to protect the socially vulnerable (B. M.-S. Lee 2023, pp. 102–3).

Therefore, the concept of a missional church implies that, for various reasons, Christian missions should prioritize caregiving in disaster-prone areas. Additionally, taking proactive measures to prevent environmental disasters can be an essential missionary approach for the church. From past experiences, we can learn that good governance plays an indispensable role in curbing political power manifesting in religious or other forms.

3.1.3. The Interplay of Eschatological Messages and Environmental Justice

Deepening social contradictions and economic injustice are factors that lead people to embrace eschatological ideologies. Therefore, the spread of eschatology and social justice is closely interconnected. Pre-modern Koreans, in moments of crisis, turned their attention to primal apocalyptic messages, which is evidence that the dominant political powers and prominent religions of the time failed to address the pressing issues of survival. Consequently, there was an intense yearning for the arrival of a savior who could offer new solutions, fueled by eschatological expectations.

Catholicism, introduced to Korea in the 18th century, was perceived not merely as a religious alternative but also as a potential alleviator of some societal contradictions experienced by the marginalized Confucian elites within the corrupt and oppressive political and economic sphere (Chosŏnwangjosillok [Annals of the Chosŏn Dynasty] Hŏnjongsillok 1839). Protestant Christianity, which arrived in the latter half of the 19th century, experienced a revival through indigenous Christian leaders who conveyed eschatological messages rooted in indigenous religions.

In modern society, providing social safety nets became a new environmental agenda. Placing hazardous facilities where vulnerable populations reside is an example of social inequality (Hahn 2012, pp. 45–68). Such collaboration between local governments and influential figures exposes local communities and future generations to ecological disasters in exchange for private gains, and such a phenomenon is not exclusive to Korea. For instance, illegal gold mining by Chinese companies in Ghana is a significant problem resulting in severe environmental destruction (Boafo et al. 2019, pp. 1–18). Similarly, a Peruvian mining company obtained a water resource license from the government, restricting local farmers’ access to water and polluting the shared resource (Seo 2020, pp. 94–98).

As Julian Agyeman proposed, these examples necessitate distributive justice considerations for the equitable distribution of environmental benefits. Furthermore, as Agyeman argues, environmental justice should encompass procedural justice, ensuring meaningful participation of all individuals, and substantive justice, protecting the right to live in and enjoy a clean and healthy environment (Agyeman 2005, p. 26). Thus, environmental justice requires equitably sharing the benefits and risks associated with environmental disasters.

In the context of the post-COVID-19 pandemic, Korean theological circles have already undertaken substantial research and contemplation on the church’s role and the practice of mission (B. S. Lee 2022, pp. 148–77; Kang 2020, pp. 9–42; Nam 2021, pp. 66–89). Sung-Hyuk Nam advocates for the church to pursue “life-oriented evangelism”, transitioning away from purely institutional religious activities. This approach seeks to foster an ecclesiological “new normal” paradigm that enhances solidarity and responsibility (Nam 2021, pp. 66–89). Bokyoung Park suggests that the post-pandemic Christian mission should be grounded in the “mission of friendship”, a concept rooted in “synodality”. This concept, suggested by Pope Francis in 2015 as a new direction for the Catholic mission, involves engaging in open dialogue, sharing resources and experiences, and witnessing the world together (Francis 2015; B. Park 2023, pp. 125–54). In the wake of ecological crises in the post-pandemic era, the Christian mission is urged to embrace a new role. This role requires strategic reallocation of church resources and capacities, not only to proclaim the gospel but also to alleviate the suffering of the vulnerable and address various societal demands. The author suggests that the Korean church should devise a mission strategy that relates to the nation as both a target of mission and a collaborative partner in mission, thereby fulfilling the church’s prophetic function (B. M.-S. Lee 2023, pp. 95–106). This approach could foster a more holistic and effective response to the challenges of the current era.

4. Materials and Methods

The research method employed in this paper primarily consisted of archival research and the examination of relevant literature, including ancient records such as the Annals of Koryŏ and Chosŏn dynasties, as well as other ecotheological resources.

This study utilized the National Institute of Korean History Database to access original Chinese texts and Korean interpretations of the Annals of the Koryŏ and Chosŏn dynasties. A systematic keyword search was conducted to identify entries related to abnormal climate conditions during these periods. Secondary literature from history, climatology, and religious studies was reviewed to augment the analysis. Data analysis involved qualitative interpretation of historical records to identify key themes and patterns. All materials and data used will be made available to readers, ensuring transparency and replicability of the study’s findings.

5. Conclusions

Times of national disaster that threaten individual survival test the effectiveness of systemic responses. Experiences gained from these disasters are passed down to future generations through survival manuals in various forms. In pre-modern Korea, the prolonged and recurrent struggles caused by abnormal climatic conditions significantly influenced the worldview of its people, deeply ingraining these experiences in their indigenous religions.

However, historical instances from the Koryŏ and the Chosŏn dynasties demonstrate that, notwithstanding the prevalence of nature-friendly principles within the socio-political-religious systems of those periods, there was a discernible diminution in the dynasties’ vitality. Concurrently, institutional religions either experienced a decline in their dominance or necessitated modifications to remain relevant in the evolving societal milieu. Social inequality, inadequate implementation of ideology, mismanagement of common resources, and the lack of good governance collectively contributed to these outcomes (B. M.-S. Lee 2023, p. 103).

Turning to the present, as Seung Gap Lee laments, South Korean churches exhibit a lack of ecological consciousness by indulging in egoistic consumerism and neglecting the ecological crisis and the future of the world (S. G. Lee 2007, pp. 392–411). Given prevailing issues of entrenched interests hindering and blocking effective governance, it is imperative that the church assume a pivotal role in expressing prophetic concerns and fulfilling its missionary function in global crises (B. S. Lee 2022, pp. 148–77; Kang 2020, pp. 9–42; Nam 2021, pp. 66–89). Failure to do so, as seen in the experiences of the Koryŏ and the Chosŏn dynasties and their official religions, may lead to the marginalization of the Christian church.

Funding

This research was funded by ACTS University in Korea.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

No new data were created or analyzed in this study. Data sharing is not applicable to this article.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

Notes

1

The author’s English translation from the National Institute of Korean History Database (Koryŏsa [The Annals of Koryŏ] 1173).

2

Ch’ŏninhapillon (天人合一論) was introduced from China to Korea during the period of the Three Kingdoms (1st century B.C.~7th century A.D).

3

Tonggigamŭngnon (同氣感應論) emerged during the transition from the fragmented Warring States Period to the establishment of the first unified Chinese empire.

4

In relation to Tonggigamŭngnon, parallels emerge with concepts that evolved in the Western context. Samuel Hahnemann’s “homeopathy”, introduced in 1796, shares resemblances in how substances interact with the body. Homeopathy is defined as a therapeutic method using substances whose effects on healthy subjects correspond to the manipulation of disorders in individual patients. It is based on two key principles: the “like cures like” principle (as defined above) and the notion that “potentiation” (serial dilution with vigorous shaking) increases a medicine’s potency. When exploring Tonggigamŭngnon, it is pertinent to acknowledge its distinctiveness in the Eastern context, particularly due to its cosmic dimension, which plays a pivotal role in establishing harmonious living. This contrast becomes even more pronounced when compared to its Western counterparts. While both concepts delve into the interaction of substances with the human body, Tonggigamŭngnon, with its cosmic underpinning, extends its reach beyond the individual realm. This broader scope encompasses a holistic understanding of existence, where the interplay of humans and nature forms an integral aspect of maintaining harmony. In contrast, homeopathy centers on the interaction between substances and the human body. Its focus is primarily directed at the physiological mechanisms within the individual. Thus, the difference between Tonggigamŭngnon and its Western counterpart lies in their respective scopes—one encompassing the cosmic harmony of existence and the other centered on individual physiological interactions.

5

The author’s English translation.

6

The major cause of migration for East Asians was the fluctuating temperature. This led to Jiangnan becoming the center of East Asian economy and culture since the 10th century.

7

Byung-do Lee, who conducted a remarkable study on the Fengshui of the Koryŏ dynasty, defines Doch’am as an “apocalyptic prophecy” that unveils impending events or occurrences.

8

Pungsu is the Korean pronunciation of Fengshui, while Doch’am (apocalyptic prophecy) means divination. P’ungsudoch’am is a Koreanized version of Fengshui, which can be literally translated as “Fengshui Divination”.

9

The author acknowledges the reviewer’s insightful comment.

10

Chŏnggam-nok (Record of Chŏnggam), characterized by its compilation of apocalyptic prophecies, does not have a single author. The work is an amalgamation of orally transmitted narratives of ancient and pre-modern Korean society. The timeline of authorship and discovery of Chŏnggam-nok remain subjects of ongoing scholarly debate. However, Sung-Jong Paik suggests that the earliest reference to Chŏnggam-nok is found in the The Annals of Chosŏn Dynasty, dated 11 September 1739 (6th day of the 8th lunar month), indicating a plausible time of emergence in the first half of the 18th century.

11

Originating from “Mitra (a Sino-Korean term of Maitreya)”, which signifies “friend”, Maitreya’s name encapsulates the core Buddhist principle of “friendliness”, resonating with the essence of “love” in Christianity. According to Buddhist Scriptura, Maitreya is regarded as the future Buddha who will descend to earth to deliver anew the dharma (law). “As the years pass, the impulse of the teaching of the Buddha Shakyamuni gradually exhausts itself, and attention shifts to Maitreya, the coming Buddha, who will appear in the future, after about 30,000 years or so (Conze 1957, p. 155)”.

12

P’ungsu thought had been imported from China. However, recently, Korean scholars including, Kwang Joe, Yong-Beam Lee, Chang-Jo Choi and Shi-ik Park, and Deuk-Whang Kim have debated the origin of Fengshui (P’ungsu) in Korea (Joe 1982, p. 76; Y.-B. Lee 1983, p. 272; Choi 1991, pp. 123–50; S.-i. Park 1987, pp. 230–43; D.-W. Kim 1958, pp. 195–201). Chang-Jo Choi and Shi-ik Park argue that there was some evidence of the pre-existence of indigenous concepts of auspicious geography in Korea before the introduction of the systemized Fengshui from China (Choi 1991, p. 149; S.-i. Park 1987, pp. 230–43). Chang-jo Choi has argued that a form that has already developed indigenously exists in pre-modern Korea. This is an indigenous Korean Fengshui practice, Chiribosŏl or Sat’apposŏl or simply Bibo (裨補), which did not originate from China (C. Choi 2011, pp. 58–62). Deuk-Whang Kim proposes a composite theory. He suggests that indigenous Fengshui existed in the early history of Korea, after which the more systemized Chinese Fengshui was introduced at the time of Shilla kingdom. He argues that the two different origins of Fengshui composited together and spread all over the country (D.-W. Kim 1958, pp. 195–201).

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Responses to Climate Change and Natural Disasters in Pre-Modern Korea: Missional Implications for the Korean Church (2024)
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